Nelson Mandela's birth and early life are explored. Mandela is born in the picturesque village of Mvezo, located in the Transkei region of South Africa, on July 18, 1918. His given name at birth is Rolihlahla, which carries the meaning of "troublemaker." It is worth noting that the year of his birth also marks the establishment of the African National Congress(ANC).
The Transkei region, situated in southeastern South Africa, is renowned for its beauty and relatively low population. Most of the inhabitants, including Mandela, belong to the Xhosa ethnic group, a Bantu people. Within the Xhosa community, there are several tribes, and Mandela hails from the Thembu tribe. Throughout the book, Mandela provides insights into the traditional social and political structures of the region, emphasizing his ancestral connection to the Thembu royal family, who serve as advisors to the king.
Mandela's father, Gadla, holds the esteemed position of Thembu chief and serves as a close advisor to the Thembu king. However, following the king's passing in the late 1920s, Gadla selects Jongintaba, one of the king's lesser sons, to act as the royal regent until the king's infant heir, Sabata, reaches maturity. In 1926, Gadla is removed from power by the British authorities. Consequently, Mandela's mother, Nosekeni, relocates him to Qunu, a larger village where they have acquaintances and relatives.
Qunu, the village to which Mandela and his mother move, is characterized by poverty and primarily inhabited by tenant farmers and herders. The government owns all the land in the village and charges rent to its residents. During his early years in Qunu, Mandela observes
the herds and participates in stick-fighting, a local tradition. The village's population consists almost entirely of African people, with only a small number of white individuals. It is during their time in Qunu that Nosekeni converts to Christianity and arranges for Mandela's baptism in the Wesleyan Church, adhering to British-influenced practices. It is at the local school where Mandela acquires the name Nelson.
When Mandela is nine years old, his father Gadla unexpectedly returns home one night and falls ill. Tragically, Gadla passes away within a few hours. Following a period of mourning, Mandela and Nosekeni leave Qunu and journey to Mqhekezweni, the capital of Thembuland. Mqhekezweni is also a mission outpost for the Methodist Church and exhibits a greater degreeof Western influence compared to Qunu. It is in Mqhekezweni that Mandela encounters Thembu's regent, Jongintaba, who had been chosen as the regent by Gabia. Jongintaba kindly offers to become Mandela's guardian, and Nosekeni returns to Qunu while Mandela forges a close friendship with Jongintaba's son and heir, Justice.
At this point in Mandela's narrative, he describes Jongintaba's leadership style as one of consensus-building. Mandela's time in Mqhekezweni exposes him to a broader understanding of African history and the far-reaching consequences of colonialism in the continent. He begins to comprehend the implications of these historical events for his own life and the lives of his people.
When Mandela reaches the age of 16, Jongintaba informs him that it is time for him to undergo the initiation into manhood, which involves circumcision, according to Xhosa customs. Mandela, alongside Justice and a few other young men, participates in the circumcision ritual and is bestowed with his adult Xhosa name, Dalibunga. During the celebration ceremony, one of the chiefs delivers a lengthy speech expressing anger and frustration at how white oppression has deprived these young men of their rightful passage into manhood. Initially, Mandela feels resentment towards the chief's words, desiring to enjoy the festivities. However, the chief's impassioned speech plants a seed of awakening
within Mandela's mind.
Following Mandela's circumcision, Jongintaba arranges for him to attend Clarkebury Boarding Institute, a school that will prepare him to provide guidance to Sabata once he assumes the role of king. The institute, overseen by Reverend Harris, a white man, is larger than Mqhekezweni and follows Western educational practices. Initially, Mandela faces difficulties adapting to this new environment, and the book recounts an anecdote highlighting his clumsiness while wearing shoes during that time. Some of the teachers at Clarkebury are Africans with university degrees, and Mandela is particularly impressed by Mr. Mahlasela, who does not regard Reverend Harris as his superior by default.
At the age of 19, Mandela joins his friend Justice at Healdtown, a Methodist college located in Fort Beaufort, southwest of Thembu. Here, Mandela continues to receive an education influenced by the English language and culture. He and his fellow students aspire to adopt a "black Englishmen" identity. It is at Healdtown that Mandela forms friendships with non-Xhosa African individuals for the first time. When his zoology teacher, who speaks Sotho, marries a Xhosa woman, Mandela's perception of tribal differences begins to be challenged,leading him to embrace a broader African identity.
During Mandela's final year at Healdtown, a significant event occurs when Krune Mqhayi, a revered Xhosa poet, visits the school. To the astonishment of the students, Mqhayi passionately denounces Western occupation and predicts the eventual triumph of Africans over their oppressors. Mandela, upon leaving Healdtown, maintains his ambition to succeed within the white-dominated society but is increasingly inspired by the rising spirit of African resistance and the assertion of dignity
among his people. While he develops a stronger sense of kinship with other Africans, he still considers himself primarily a Xhosa and secondarily an African.
Mandela secures admission to the University College of Fort Hare, the sole residential university for non-white students in South Africa. During his time there, he develops a close relationship with his nephew, K.D. Matanzima. Although Mandela is studying law, his aspirations lead him to desire a position in the Native Affairs Department, which he views as a prestigious career opportunity for an African during that period. Mandela's involvement in student leadership and his frequent clashes with the administration eventually lead to a breaking point when he participates in a boycott protesting the substandard quality of the university's food. Due to his unwavering principles, Mandela is ultimately expelled and sent back to Mqhekezweni, much to the anger of the regent.
During the summer, Jongintaba informs Mandela and Justice that he does not have much time left to live and urges them to marry. To their surprise, Jongintaba has already selected brides for them. Unwilling to accept these arranged marriages, the two friends decide to run away to Johannesburg. However, their escape is met with obstacles orchestrated by the regent, who had suspected their plans. Despite facing various challenges, Mandela and Justice successfully reach Johannesburg, also known as eGoli, the city of gold.
Mandela and Justice venture to Crown Mines in search of employment, where Mandela is confronted by the harsh realities of the mining industry. However, their jobs are short-lived as they are fired when the manager discovers that they did not have Jongintaba's permission to work there. With no place to stay, they eventually find lodging through an acquaintance from the Transkei.
Mandela manages to secure a job as a legal secretary for Lazar Sidelsky, a liberal white lawyer and activist, thanks to a referral from
Walter Sisulu, a realtor. Sidelsky believes in the importance ofAfrican education and encourages Mandela to become an educated attorney, emphasizing the significance of being a model citizen and avoiding political involvement.
One of the African employees at the firm is Gaur Radebe, a proud and strong-willed individual known for defying white authority. Mandela discovers that Gaur is a member of both the African National Congress(ANC) and the South African Communist Party(SACP). Through Gaur, Mandela learns the importance of proving oneself in the community, as merely holding a degree is deemed worthless in terms of leadership.
Mandela's colleague, Nat Bregman, a young white man, introduces him to the basic principles of communism. Mandela expresses curiosity and asks numerous questions about political theory but refrains from joining due to his personal religious beliefs and Sidelsky's advice. Nonetheless, Mandela attends communist party meetings and lectures, where he is exposed to analyses of South Africa's inequalities that focus on class rather than race. While he gains knowledge and enjoys the inclusive social gatherings hosted by party members, he remains skeptical.
Mandela resides in Alexandra, a suburb of Johannesburg characterized by high crime rates, excessive policing, drunkenness, and squalor. However, Alexandra is one of the few areas where Africans can own land outright near the city. The neighborhood's diverse population, consisting of people from different tribes and ethnicities, challenges the government's assumption that Africans are unsuited for urban life.
During this period, Mandela faces extreme poverty, struggling to balance expenses for housing, transportation, education, utilities, and food. When the regent visits at the end of 1941, there is no mention of Mandela's disobedience, indicating that he has gained independence and the regent acknowledges his growth as an individual. Six months later, following Jongintaba's death, Justice returns to Mqhekezweni to assume his role as chief, while Mandela chooses to remain in Johannesburg.
By the end of 1942, Mandela completes his bachelor's degree. He
grows closer to Gaur, who emphasizes that education alone is insufficient for African liberation and urges Mandela to get involved with the ANC. Despite lacking formal education, Gaur possesses a deep understanding of the historical facts Mandela learned in school and weaves them into a coherent narrative that explains the current conditions. Mandela feels as though he is relearning history from a fresh perspective.
In August 1943, Gaur leads the Alexandra bus boycott, providing Mandela with his first firsthand experience of a mass mobilization campaign. Sidelsky tries to dissuade Mandela from participating in theseactivities, warning him of the potential consequences, such as damaging his legal practice, facing trouble with authorities who are often allies, losing clients, bankruptcy, strained family relationships, and imprisonment.
Gaur later informs Mandela that he is leaving the firm to establish his own estate agency. He explains that as long as he remains at the firm, they will never grant Mandela articles to become a lawyer.
At the graduation ceremony at Fort Hare, Mandela reunites with his old friend K.D. Matanzima and realizes how much he has transformed since leaving the institution. He no longer resembles the country boy confined by the Thembu kingdom, and his values undergo significant changes. Success and comfort no longer hold the same appeal for Mandela, as he becomes increasingly drawn to a life of political struggle.
Mandela enrolls at the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg to pursue his law degree. For the first time, he attends classes alongside white students who generally oppose his presence and treat him with disdain. However, Mandela forms a connection with a small group of liberal white students who sympathize with the cause of African liberation. He also makes his first Indian friends during this time.
Mandela's life becomes firmly entrenched in politics. The backdrop is World War II, and the Atlantic Charter of 1941, endorsed by Winston Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt, reaffirms the dignity of all human beings. Inspired by this, the ANC decides to create its own charter, known as the African Claims, which calls for the dismantling of
discriminatory laws and the attainment of full citizenship for all people in South Africa.
In 1943, Mandela listens to a speech by Anton Lembede, a passionate political activist. Lembede condemns fellow Africans for accepting Western propaganda about their inferiority. Mandela is impressed by Lembede's philosophy of self-reliance and self-determination, which he refers to as Africanism. Mandela and others in his generation become increasingly dissatisfied with the cautious approach of the older ANC leadership. They establish a Youth League with the aim of pressuring the ANC to engage in mass mobilization campaigns. During this time, Mandela meets Evelyn Mase, and they get married after a brief courtship.
In 1946, a strike erupts among 70,000 African miners in Johannesburg. The state brutally suppresses the protest, resulting in the disbandment of the miners' union. Following this, the government passes the Asiatic Land Tenure Act, which severely restricts the rights of Indians inSouth Africa. The Indian community engages in two years of passive resistance, but their campaign is ultimately defeated. Although the participation of non-Indians is not actively encouraged, Mandela and others witness an example of mass resistance that the ANC had previously shied away from.
During this time, Mandela and Evelyn move to Orlando West in Soweto after the birth of their first child. In early 1947, Mandela completes his apprenticeship at Sidelsky's firm and needs to obtain his bachelor of law degree to start his own practice. However, in July of the same year, Lembede passes away suddenly. He is succeeded as President of the Youth League by A.P. Mda, who holds a friendlier stance towards sympathetic white individuals and the Communist Party. Mandela remains influenced by Lembede's more exclusionary Africanism, leading him to be comparatively hostile towards white people and the Communist Party. His exclusionary thinking also extends to Indians, as he does not believe they share a common interest with Africans.
Mandela is elected to the Executive Committee of the Transvaal ANC, which he considers a defining moment in his life. He reflects on the fact that he has not yet been directly involved in any major campaign and
has not yet experienced the challenges and difficulties of a life devoted to the fight for freedom.
In 1948, the National Party(NP), representing the extreme and xenophobic elements of Afrikaner society, wins a majority on a platform of white supremacy and apartheid. Mandela is shocked by this outcome, particularly considering that the NP had shown support for the Third Reich. His friend Oliver Tambo surprises him by expressing gladness over the NP's victory, as it will force people to reveal their true positions on the issues.
The new administration wastes no time in implementing its apartheid policies. In response, the ANC Youth League develops a Program of Action, which is adopted by the ANC. Unlike the ANC's previous focus on strictly legal means, the Program of Action embraces a strategy involving nonviolent violation of unjust laws. The Youth League's more confrontational approach leads to tensions with the older ANC leadership, ultimately resulting in the removal of Dr. A.B. Xuma, the ANC's president, at the next ANC conference.
Mandela takes over from Dr. Xuma on the ANC's National Executive Committee. This marks a significant shift for him, as he had previously considered himself a gadfly within the organization. With newfound power and responsibility, Mandelabegins to think more strategically and deliberatively. He believes that organizing people around economic demands is easier than mobilizing them for political causes.
In 1950, the South African Communist Party(SACP) and the South African Indian Congress(SAIC) call for a one-day general strike on May 1. Mandela opposes this move, suspecting that the SACP aims to co-opt the liberation movement. The strike proceeds without ANC participation. In response, the government introduces the Suppression of Communism Act, granting the state the authority to outlaw organizations and imprison individuals solely based on their membership in certain groups.
On June 26, the ANC, along with other nonwhite rights organizations, leads a National Day of Protest. This political demonstration marks the first major mobilization action undertaken by the ANC. Although it is a risky endeavor, the Day of Protest achieves moderate success, boosting
the morale of the ANC and garnering public support.
Due to his friendship with Moses Kotane, head of the SACP and a member of the ANC's executive committee, Mandela's mistrust of communism and its adherents begins to fade. He starts reading communist texts and finds himself swayed by many of the arguments presented.
The actions of the National Party(NP) government, which passes various oppressive laws during this period. One of these is the Suppression of Communism Act, which grants the state the power to suppress communist organizations and imprison their members. Another is the Population Registration Act, which assigns individuals to racial categories, and the Group Areas Act, which enforces racial segregation by allocating specific areas for each racial group. The Group Areas Act also allows for the forced removal of nonwhite populations if an area is rezoned for white use. Sophiatown, a vibrant African suburb of Johannesburg, becomes a target for forced removal due to this act.
In 1951, the NP government introduces the Separate Representation of Voters Act, which diminishes the political power of the Coloured community in the Cape. Additionally, the Bantu Authorities Act replaces the Natives Representative Council with government-appointed tribal chiefs, establishing a hierarchical system.
Walter Sisulu, an ANC member who helped Mandela secure his job with Sidelsky, proposes a national campaign of civil disobedience in response to the resistance by the Coloured community. Mandela agrees to the idea but suggests that the campaign should be organized exclusively among Africans. However, Sisulu strongly disagrees, and Mandela's proposal is rejected.
The Defiance Campaign is scheduled to commence on June 26,with the ANC and its allies deciding on a strategy of nonviolent resistance. Mandela supports this approach but views nonviolence as a tactic that should be adjusted as circumstances require, drawing inspiration from Mahatma Gandhi. The campaign is planned in two waves, with the first involving a small number of disciplined volunteers deliberately violating apartheid ordinances and subjecting themselves to arrest. The second
wave entails mass strikes. Mandela emphasizes the unity among black people in South Africa, including Africans, Coloureds, and Indians.
On June 26, more than 250 volunteers are arrested, and over the following five months, approximately 8,500 individuals are arrested as part of the campaign. The ANC's prominence rises significantly, and its membership swells to 100,000, quintupling its previous numbers. Mandela travels extensively throughout the country to help coordinate the protests.
In response to the campaign, the government passes the Public Safety Act, which allows for the declaration of martial law and detention without trial. The Criminal Laws Amendment Act, authorizing corporal punishment for those who defy authority, is also enacted. Mandela recalls instances of infiltrators sent to undermine the ANC or instigate internal conflict.
On July 30, 1952, Mandela himself is arrested under the Suppression of Communism Act. Two months later, he stands trial with 20 other defendants. Dr. Moroka, the president of the ANC, surprises the other defendants by employing his own attorney and expresses his unwillingness to be tried alongside Communists. Ultimately, Moroka strikes a deal with the government to testify against his co-defendants. The remaining defendants are found guilty of "statutory communism" on December 2 and receive a sentence of nine months of hard labor, with the sentence suspended for two years.
Mandela reflects on the success of the Defiance Campaign in raising political consciousness, diminishing the stigma associated with imprisonment, and bolstering the ANC's membership. However, he also acknowledges that the campaign continued for too long and remained primarily confined to urban areas.
The ANC conference takes place at the end of 1952, resulting in Chief Albert Luthuli being elected as the new president of the ANC. Mandela becomes one of the four deputy presidents. However, shortly after, Mandela is placed under a ban that forbids him from attending any meetings or gatherings for a period of six months, including his own son's birthday party.
During this time, Mandela proposes that the National Executive Committee develops a plan in case the ANC is banned andforced to operate underground. He takes charge of this task and develops the Mandela-Plan, also known as the M-Plan. The plan involves establishing local cells and reporting systems. Although the plan has moderate success, it remains confined to the urban areas.
While working to support himself and his family, Mandela holds various positions at different law firms. Eventually, at the end of 1952, he opens his own law office in partnership with his former classmate Oliver Tambo. Their law office primarily assists Africans who face harassment from the government. Mandela and Tambo themselves experience this harassment when they are told that they cannot occupy a business premise in the city without government approval. Although the case goes against them, they refuse to vacate their offices.
In 1953, the government's campaign to clear out Sophiatown under the Western Areas Removal initiative begins. ANC resistance against this forced removal gains momentum. In a passionate speech, Mandela declares that the time for passive resistance has ended and that violence is the only weapon that can destroy apartheid. His words incite the crowd, drawing the attention and scrutiny of the government. Mandela begins to believe that the government will ruthlessly suppress any legitimate protest by Africans, and he starts to see violent struggle as a necessary means to bring about change.
However, Mandela receives a strong reprimand from the ANC's Executive Committee for his speech. As a result, he publicly supports the strategy of nonviolence while privately holding the belief that it is a strategic dead end. Mandela also clashes with the ANC leadership over their reluctance to disclose details of their meetings with white individuals during the formation of a Liberal Party.
During this time, Walter Sisulu receives an invitation to the World Festival of Youth and Students for Peace and Friendship in Bucharest. With no time to consult the ANC leadership, Sisulu quickly departs for the event. Before leaving, Mandela persuades him to visit China and explore the possibility of obtaining weapons for an armed struggle. Sisulu is warmly received in China but returns without securing any
weapons.
In a small village where Mandela is handling a case, he is served with a writ that demands his resignation from the ANC. The writ restricts him to Johannesburg and prohibits him from attending meetings or gatherings. This ban marks the end of Mandela's public and legal involvement with the ANC. Although he is consulted and keptinformed, he feels frustrated by his inability to directly influence the struggle.
Despite being unable to attend the conference of the Transvaal ANC, Mandela's speech, now known as the "No Easy Walk to Freedom" speech, is read to the conference. In the speech, he emphasizes that the old forms of resistance are no longer effective, and new strategies must be attempted.
In April 1954, the Law Society of the Transvaal applies to revoke Mandela's legal accreditation. Surprisingly, many people offer him legal assistance, including Afrikaner attorneys. This experience reveals to him that professional solidarity can sometimes transcend color even in racist South Africa, and there are attorneys and judges who refuse to be rubber stamps of an immoral regime. Mandela emerges triumphant in court.
In 1953, the NP government passes the Bantu Education Act, which transfers control of African education from the Department of Education to the Native Affairs Department. Non-government schools are given the choice of accepting government administration or losing their subsidies. The ANC national conference approves an indefinite school boycott starting on April 1, 1955, the day of the takeover. The campaign proves to be sporadic, disorganized, and ultimately unsuccessful. However, Mandela observes that the campaign successfully increases political engagement.
The antiremoval campaign in Sophiatown continues to rage on. The removal is scheduled for February 9, 1955, and despite the residents' resistance, they can only hold out for a few weeks before Sophiatown is demolished. Once again, Mandela is led to believe that violent resistance
is the only solution to apartheid.
During this time, Z.K. Matthews, one of Mandela's former professors from Fort Hare and a prominent ANC member, returns from a yearlong stay in the U.S. as a visiting scholar. Matthews proposes a national convention to draft a Freedom Charter that envisions a democratic society with full rights for all. Suggestions for the Charter pour in from across South Africa. The Congress of the People takes place on June 25 and 26, 1955, with 3,000 attendees from various racial backgrounds. However, just before the final vote to ratify the Charter, the police disrupt the conference.
Mandela's ban expires in September 1955, giving him the opportunity to visit his family in the Transkei and meet with local ANC leaders. He tries to dissuade K.D. Matanzima(Daliwonga) from supporting the Bantu Authorities Act, but Matanzima, as a chief, sees the act as a means to strengthen his own power and remains firm inhis support.
After spending several weeks in the Transkei, Mandela continues his journey and heads west to Cape Town. There, he witnesses a police raid on the offices of New Age, a leftist magazine, as part of a wider government crackdown. Mandela senses that a new wave of government repression is imminent. However, upon returning to Johannesburg, he feels reinvigorated.
Around the same time, the Native Affairs Department, led by Dr. H.F. Verwoerd, proposes the establishment of bantustans, which are essentially reservations dividing the African population based on tribal affiliation. The apartheid government aims to ensure physical separation between the white population and others, and the creation of bantustans supports their false narrative of achieving such separation.
In March 1956, Mandela receives his third ban, which is set to last for five years. By this point, he finds the bans contemptible and violates them whenever possible.
On December 5, 1956, Mandela and 153 others are arrested for high
treason. They are detained in Johannesburg, where they use their time to share information and boost their morale through singing and lectures. After several delays, the Crown prosecutor finally reads the indictment, accusing the defendants of plotting to establish a Communist regime in South Africa. They are released on bail.
During this period, Mandela's marriage with Evelyn begins to drift apart due to his commitment to the ANC and her devotion to the church of Jehovah's Witnesses. Upon his release on bail, Mandela discovers that Evelyn has left, taking their children with her.
In January 1957, the treason trial commences, and the presentation of evidence lasts for months. The defense exposes significant flaws in the testimonies of many prosecution witnesses. The preparatory examination concludes in September 1957, with a four-month adjournment granted to the defense for further examination of the evidence.
During the preparatory examination, Mandela meets Winnie Madikizela and soon marries her. Winnie becomes involved in the liberation struggle, providing support and love to Mandela throughout the treason trial.
After three months, charges against 61 defendants, including Chief Luthuli and Oliver Tambo, are dropped. Oswald Pirow, an admirer of Adolf Hitler, is appointed as the new prosecutor. After 13 months of preparatory hearings, the remaining defendants, including Mandela, have their charges approved by the magistrate and the case is referred to the Transvaal Supreme Court.
As the general election approaches in 1958, the ANC opposes the NP's reelection. An attempted three-day general strike fails, and the Nationalists increase theirmargin by over 10 percent.
In 1957, women across the country, led by the ANC Women's League, vigorously protest against the pass system. Winnie decides to participate in the protests and gets arrested. Mandela is proud of his wife, although he warns her that she may lose her government job. Thousands of activists are arrested, leading to overcrowded jails. The women endure these conditions for weeks before being released on bail. In February of
the following year, Winnie gives birth to their daughter, Zenani.
Formal proceedings for the treason trial begin in August 1958. The venue is moved to Pretoria, an NP stronghold located more than 30 miles from Johannesburg. The defense takes a bold gamble by requesting two of the three appointed judges to recuse themselves. Judge Ludorf agrees to withdraw, while Judge Rumpff declines, assuring the defense of his impartiality. Ludorf is replaced by Judge Bekker, who is considered more favorable by the defense.
The defense then challenges the indictment, arguing that the charges lack precision and that the government has no proof of the defendants' intention to act violently. The three judges agree and dismiss one of the charges. Legal arguments continue, and by mid-1959, only 30 defendants, including Mandela, remain. They are now specifically indicted for planning to violently overthrow the South African government.
On April 6, 1959, the Pan Africanist Congress(PAC) is launched, inspired by the rhetoric of Anton Lembede and A.P. Mda, who are old friends of Mandela. The PAC differs from the ANC in its rejection of explicit non-racialism and instead advocates for a "government of the African by the Africans and for the Africans." Mandela acknowledges that discontent among Africanists within the ANC made this split somewhat inevitable. However, he disapproves of personal grudges and frustrations leading individuals to join the PAC, emphasizing the importance of suppressing personal feelings to be part of a mass movement.
Mandela also disagrees with the PAC's overpromising, such as claiming to liberate South Africa in three years. Despite the PAC's explicit anticommunist stance, it receives favorable coverage in Western media and is promoted by the U.S. State Department. Nonetheless, Mandela hopes to find ways to coordinate actions between the PAC and the ANC and its allies.
In 1959, the government introduces the Promotion of Bantu Self
Government Act, which establishes eight bantustans and assigns African citizens to these areas, denying them citizenship rights outside of their designated bantustan. Massresistance to this act is brutally suppressed, and chiefs within the bantustans are divided between collaboration and resistance.
On August 3, 1959, the criminal proceedings for the treason trial finally commence. As evidence is slowly presented against the defendants, the prosecutor unexpectedly dies and is replaced by Advocate De Vos. Witnesses are called, but the defense deflates many of their claims.
During this time, the defense presents its own witnesses, including Chief Luthuli, who eloquently explains that the ANC's political philosophy differs from the government's allegations. However, on March 21, 1960, a crisis erupts.
The PAC initiates an anti-pass campaign in Sharpeville, a township south of Johannesburg, on the same day the ANC had planned to launch its own campaign. Thousands of PAC demonstrators surround the police station, and the police open fire, killing 69 people.
The Sharpeville massacre leads to widespread international condemnation of South Africa's regime and positions the PAC as a leader in the country's liberation struggle. The ANC quickly organizes nationwide protests in response, prompting the government to declare martial law.
On the night of March 30, Mandela and his compatriots are detained and subjected to deplorable conditions and threats when they voice their complaints. The following night, the detainees are formally arrested under the State of Emergency and taken back to Pretoria to continue the treason trial.
Due to the government's incompetence, a fortunate mistake occurs during the prisoner shuffling, resulting in Wilton Mkwayi being inadvertently released. Mkwayi later escapes the country and becomes an important international representative of the ANC. On April 8, both the ANC and PAC are declared illegal.
Mandela highlights the absurdity resulting from apartheid principles during their detention, where red tape and racism combine to create
mind-boggling situations.
Throughout the trial, Mandela manages his law office on weekends, accompanied by Sergeant Kruger. Oliver Tambo had left the country before the State of Emergency, leaving Mandela to run the office alone. Despite Kruger's position in the apartheid regime, he treats Mandela with consideration. Mandela contemplates escaping but finds himself unable to take advantage of Kruger's kindness.
As a protest against travel restrictions imposed by the State of Emergency, defense attorneys withdraw from the case, leaving the defendants to mount their own defense. They aim to delay the trial until the State of Emergency is lifted and call each other as witnesses, theoretically allowing them to prolong the trial indefinitely.
During Mandela's visits to the women prisoners, the white femaleguards confront an educated and confident African man for the first time. Witnessing him discussing the trial with his white, female co-defendants challenges their racist assumptions.
Finally, on August 31, 1960, the State of Emergency is lifted, and the defendants return home for the remainder of the trial. In September 1960, the ANC National Executive Committee decides to go underground. Mandela and Tambo's law office closes, but Mandela still finds work as a lawyer. In December 1960, Winnie gives birth to their second child, Zindziswa(Zindzi).
In October 1960, an all-white referendum is held, resulting in South Africa declaring itself a republic and leaving the British Commonwealth.
On March 29, 1961, the treason trial concludes with the three judges finding the defendants not guilty. However, Mandela does not consider this verdict a vindication of the South African legal system. His idealistic view of the law as a sword of justice has been replaced by the realization that it is a tool used by the ruling class to maintain their favorable societal order. In response to the loss, the state intensifies its violations of African rights and political dissidents.
With the expiration of his political ban approaching, Mandela plans to leave Johannesburg and speak at the All-in Conference in Pietermaritzburg. The ANC National Working Committee adopts the M-Plan strategy, with the organization's leadership going underground, organizing local cells, and making dramatic public appearances.
Although neither Mandela nor Winnie looks forward to his departure and life on the run, they both recognize it as necessary for the struggle. Mandela heads to Pietermaritzburg immediately after the trial adjourns and addresses a crowd for the first time in five years. The conference demands a constitutional convention with representatives from all racial and ethnic communities, threatening a three-day stay-away if the government refuses. The government rejects the demands and prepares for a new wave of repression.
During Mandela's time underground, the ANC debates whether the planned action for May 29 should be a strike or a stay-at-home. Mandela supports the latter option, believing it presents less of a target for the state's forces. He gains support for his view, and the press starts referring to him as the Black Pimpernel, adding to his romantic outlaw image.
The state intensifies its repression by raiding opposition leaders and confiscating printing presses. On May 27, armed forces are deployed throughout the country as a show of force. Initially, the English-language presscovers the ANC's planned campaign, but a few days before its start, the same papers begin urging people to go to work. The PAC attempts to sabotage the stay-at-home by distributing flyers denouncing the ANC as cowards.
On May 29, hundreds of thousands of people refuse to go to work, although reports indicate that the campaign is not effective nationwide. The following morning, Mandela announces an early end to the campaign. While he tries to present the stay-at-home as a success, he tells the press that the government is closing off any possibility of
addressing the ANC's demands through nonviolent means. Mandela proposes armed struggle to the ANC's National Executive Committee(NEC).
Chief Luthuli, the ANC's president, opposes violence, especially since the ANC had argued against violence during the treason trial. Mandela and his allies spend the night discussing the matter with Luthuli and believe they have convinced him. The decision is made to officially separate the military wing of the liberation struggle from the ANC while maintaining close communication. Other organizations allied with the ANC also agree to this decision.
Despite his lack of military experience, Mandela takes on the task of assembling, training, and equipping an army. The new military organization is named Umkhonto we Sizwe(MK), meaning "The Spear of the Nation." Mandela selects Walter Sisulu and Joe Slovo, a white Communist Party member, to join him on the High Command. Through Slovo, other communists already involved in a campaign of sabotage are brought into MK.
Mandela immerses himself in military theory and guerrilla warfare literature, finding relevance in the works of Mao, Castro, and Che Guevara for the South African context. He also studies the country's infrastructure systems, identifying potential weak points.
On June 26, 1961, which members of the struggle consider Freedom Day, Mandela writes a letter to South African papers, giving the government a final chance to convene a constitutional convention attended by representatives of all races. He concludes the letter by declaring, "The struggle is my life. I will continue fighting for freedom until the end of my days."
Mandela describes his early days in hiding, spending his days reading military theory, planning sabotage activities at night, and frequently moving to avoid detection. He faces situations where other Africans recognize him or notice signs of his presence, prompting him to leave for
safety reasons.
In October 1961, Mandela finds refuge at Liliesleaf Farm near Johannesburg, disguisinghimself as a servant. He encounters disrespectful treatment from other Africans, leading him to reflect on the fact that Africans do not always treat each other as equals, influenced by urbanization and perceptions of status. Other members of MK join Mandela at Liliesleaf Farm.
MK decides to focus on infrastructure sabotage instead of engaging in broad, sustained military engagement. They believe they are not yet prepared for such a conflict but anticipate that guerrilla warfare and even terrorism might become necessary in the future.
In December 1961, Chief Luthuli receives the Nobel Peace Prize, bringing satisfaction to Mandela as the South African struggle gains international attention. Unfortunately, MK's first attack, involving bombings of power stations and government offices, occurs at the same time.
Mandela is invited to attend the conference of the Pan African Freedom Movement for East, Central, and Southern Africa(PAFMECSA) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in February 1962. He hopes to establish crucial connections, secure material support for MK's operations, and counteract the PAC's influence, which has greater international recognition than the ANC.
Mandela is smuggled to Bechuanaland by car to charter a plane and travels to Dar es Salaam in Tanganyika. For the first time, he experiences being in an independent African country, which fills him with a sense of total freedom. He meets several old colleagues, including Oliver Tambo and Gaur Radebe, who will also attend the PAFMECSA conference.
Mandela finds inspiration in Ethiopia's resistance to European
imperialism but is disillusioned by the country's poverty and despotic political system.
At the conference, Mandela is frustrated by the PAC's dissemination of misinformation about the ANC among African leaders. He addresses the conference, providing a detailed history of the ANC and the liberation struggle in South Africa. His speech receives a positive response and convinces many delegates of the necessity of MK.
Mandela discovers that some conference attendees believe the ANC and MK are controlled by white communists and liberals who view Africans as expendable. He strongly rejects these claims, winning support for MK's cause.
After the conference, Mandela travels to Cairo to witness the political and economic reforms led by Gamal Nasser. He visits several African countries, securing promises of financial and military support in the form of arms or training. He learns from Dr. Mustafa, a leader of Morocco's anti-colonial paramilitary force, the FLN, that guerrilla warfare is not primarily aimed at military victory but at unleashing political and economic forcesto undermine the enemy. Dr. Mustafa also emphasizes the importance of building international support.
Mandela and Oliver Tambo take a flight from Senegal to London. In London, Mandela seeks more books on guerrilla literature while maintaining his incognito status. He meets with leaders of the Labour and Liberal parties and also reunites with Dr. Yusuf Dadoo, who represents the liberation struggle in London. Mandela and Tambo reluctantly inform Dadoo that the ANC's association with white and Indian communists has hindered their efforts to secure support from other African countries. They decide that the ANC must assume a prominent position within the alliance for appearances' sake.
After London, Mandela returns to Addis Ababa to begin his military training, which was planned to last for six months. However, after just eight weeks, the ANC recalls Mandela to South Africa due to the escalating armed conflict. The presence of the MK commander is deemed necessary for the ongoing struggle.
After returning to Liliesleaf Farm, Mandela informs the group about
African leaders' suspicions of the ANC, leading to discussions about changes in the alliance. Mandela is sent to Durban to meet with Chief Luthuli and his confidantes. Luthuli initially resists changing the ANC's policy of nonracialism, but Mandela proposes that the ANC should hold a preeminent public role among the alliance member organizations without altering its nonracialism policy. Luthuli takes time to consider the suggestion while Mandela meets with MK cell members in Durban. On August 5, 1962, while returning to Liliesleaf Farm with Cecil Williams, a white MK member, Mandela is apprehended by the police during a car stop.
Mandela acknowledges Winnie's dedication as she continues to visit him several times a week while he is held in Pretoria. He addresses rumors that the CIA orchestrated his capture, stating that there is no substantial evidence to support such claims. Mandela communicates with Walter Sisulu, who is also imprisoned in Pretoria, and they decide that Sisulu should seek bail and go underground while Mandela remains in prison. Mandela contemplates escape but ultimately decides against it, as the risk of failure could jeopardize the entire MK command structure.
The first hearing of Mandela's trial takes place on October 15, 1962. Mandela chooses to wear traditional Xhosa dress, including a leopard skin, and Winnie follows suit. Before entering his plea, Mandela addresses the court, asserting that he considers the trial a political one and plansto put the state on trial. Over 100 witnesses are called by the prosecution, but Mandela surprises the court by announcing that he will call no witnesses and mount no defense. Instead, for his plea in mitigation, Mandela shares his life story and explains why he became a freedom fighter, emphasizing the necessity of taking up arms. After a brief deliberation, the magistrate sentences Mandela to five years in prison without parole. As he leaves the courtroom, Mandela raises his fist in salute to his supporters, and they respond by singing a patriotic African song. Concurrent with the trial's conclusion, MK carries out acts
of sabotage in Port Elizabeth and Durban, and the UN General Assembly votes in favor of imposing sanctions on South Africa for the first time.
In Pretoria Local, Mandela initially refuses to wear demeaning prison clothes and eat the provided porridge. The warden eventually allows him to wear long pants and provides better food but places him in solitary confinement. After a few weeks, Mandela relents and agrees to wear shorts in exchange for release from solitary. When he joins other political prisoners, he tries to mend relations with Robert Sobukwe, the imprisoned leader of the PAC, although they fundamentally disagree on strategy.
During this period, the ANC formally declares its relationship with MK, and the apartheid regime enforces the bantustan system in the Transkei province. Sabotage and terrorism against the Bantu Authorities Act increase, and the government enacts The General Law Amendment Act, granting legal cover to a police state. Reports of torture by South African security forces emerge. In late May 1963, Mandela is transferred from his cell to Robben Island, a notorious offshore prison. At the island, the prisoners are treated disrespectfully but are allowed some displays of dignity. Mandela corrects the misconception among young PAC prisoners that he joined the PAC while traveling in Africa. However, he is abruptly transferred back to Pretoria, where he learns about the raid on Liliesleaf Farm and the arrest of the MK high command. It becomes evident that they may face treason charges and potential execution.
On October 9, 1963, Mandela and the other MK leaders are taken to Pretoria for the start of the Rivonia Trial. They are charged under the Sabotage Law, which allows for conviction and the death sentence with lower evidentiary standards. After a three-week recess, their lawyer
BramFischer moves to dismiss the indictment as shoddy and containing absurdities. The indictment is quashed, leading to the immediate rearrest of the prisoners while a new indictment is prepared. The trial resumes under the new indictment, and there is substantial evidence against Mandela and his comrades. Bruno Mtolo, an ANC saboteur turned witness, provides damning testimony. However, the prisoners maintain a sense of gallows humor and support each other.
The prosecution rests on February 29, 1964, and while Mandela expects conviction, he believes the case is weak against some of the other defendants. Instead of testifying, they decide to make statements from the dock, allowing them to speak without cross-examination by the prosecution. On April 20, 1964, Mandela delivers his defense, recounting his beliefs, the formation of MK, and addressing allegations of being influenced by international communist forces. He emphasizes his personal conviction and the ANC's response to state violence, openly discussing the MKplans for racial civil war. Mandela also explains the alliance with the Communist Party as a convergence of political interests rather than ideological alignment. He concludes his speech by expressing his willingness to die for his cause if necessary. The prosecutor's final speech is incoherent, and the judge acknowledges that the evidence of MK planning guerrilla warfare is lacking. The defendants start to regain hope.
The trial attracts international attention, and there are calls for amnesty for the defendants. While the judge deliberates on the verdict, Mandela completes his law correspondence degree. On June 11, the main defendants, including Mandela, are convicted on all counts by Judge De Wet. However, instead of pronouncing the death sentence, De Wet sentences them to life imprisonment. Mandela believes that De Wet was torn between his Afrikaner background and international pressure, leading him to choose a middle ground between the death sentence and acquittal.
After being sentenced, Colonel Aucamp informs Mandela that he will be imprisoned on Robben Island, where he can see the ocean. The convicted men are flown directly to the island and housed in a new block designed for political prisoners. More prisoners, mostly members of ANC, MK, or allied organizations, are added to the block, forming a core group. They are assigned to break rocks in the courtyard, prohibited from talking, and provided with barely adequate food and clothing. Mandela maintains his sense of self and refuses to believe he will die in prison.
Mandela describes the daily routine in prison and the unequal provisions given to prisoners based on their racial backgrounds. African prisoners, for instance, are denied bread on the assumption that they do not care for European food.
International visitors, including journalists and Red Cross representatives, start visiting the island. While some visitors are hostile, most are sympathetic to the prisoners' cause. Mandela explains the disciplinary methods employed in the prison, including the assignment of classifications that determine privileges. As a D-classification prisoner, Mandela is allowed to send and receive only one letter every six months, although mail is sometimes withheld without explanation. He also describes the visit of his wife, Winnie, who has been placed under a two-year political ban and lost her job as a social worker. They have no privacy and are not allowed physical contact.
In January 1965, the political prisoners are reassigned to the lime quarry. The guards promise that this assignment will last for only six months but, in reality, they spend 13 years working there. Despite the strenuous labor, the prisoners find solace in being outside the courtyard.
The political prisoners face intimidation from a few hardened criminals who are transferred to their block. They engage in satirical songs as a response to the mocking songs about the Rivonia trial sung by the criminals. Mandela attempts to raise political consciousness among the criminal inmates and even represents one of them, Joe My Baby, in a complaint against the guards. However, Joe is bribed by the prison commander to drop the complaint, leaving Mandela embarrassed.
The prison food suddenly improves, and the prisoners receive new clothes. A representative from the International Red Cross arrives and speaks with Mandela, highlighting the importance of international pressure in improving their conditions. Mandela raises complaints about the guards charging the prisoners for minor violations, resulting in punishments such as isolation or loss of food. Mandela breaks regulations to directly approach Wessels's superior and present his grievances, resulting in his own punishment of four days in solitary confinement. He learns that influencing officials privately is more effective than public displays of resistance.
Mandela and his fellow prisoners try to befriend the guards and sway them politically. They find ways to communicate with other sections of the prison and coordinate with the detained. Lawyers, who are not searched, become important for transmitting information to and fromthe island. In July 1966, prisoners in the main section begin a hunger strike for better conditions, and the political prisoners join in solidarity. The guards, unhappy with their own conditions, also participate in the protest, leading to negotiations with the prison commander. Mandela expresses his preference for work strikes, work slow-downs, and refusing to clean up as methods of protest. Winnie visits Mandela for the first time in two years, and he becomes aware of the harassment she and her family have endured. Following the visit, Winnie loses her job once again.
In September 1966, President Verwoerd is assassinated, leading to a crackdown on the prisoners. Guard Van Rensburg, known for his cruelty and Nazi sympathies, is assigned to the political prisoners. However, after Helen Suzman, a member of the South African Parliament, visits the prisoners and Mandela highlights the grievances against Van Rensburg, he is transferred off the island.
The ANC's External Mission, led by Oliver Tambo, becomes more crucial in the wake of the capture of Liliesleaf Farm. The External Mission focuses on recruiting, training, and equipping MK guerrillas, and forms alliances with anticolonial struggles in neighboring countries. In 1967, the ANC allies with the Zimbabwe African People's Union(ZAPU), and the first MK regiment, the Luthuli Detachment, is trained in ZAPU camps. Mandela continues his efforts to reconcile ANC and PAC prisoners but without success. The ANC prisoners form the High Organ, a council comprising Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Raymond Mhlaba, and a rotating fifth member.
In the spring of 1968, Mandela's mother, sister, and two of his children visit him. He realizes that his children have grown up since he last saw them during the trial. A few weeks later, his mother dies of a heart attack, and he is not allowed to attend the funeral. Mandela reflects on his life and questions whether prioritizing the fight for independence over his family was the right decision. In May 1969, Winnie is arrested without charge under the Terrorism Act and subjected to brutal interrogation. She and others are accused of attempting to revive the ANC. The government drops the case in October the following year, but Winnie is immediately placed under a ban again, preventing her from visiting Mandela. In July 1969, Mandela receives the news that his youngest son, Makgatho, died in a car accident. He is devastated and denied the opportunityto attend the funeral.
By 1970, the restrictions on Robben Island have significantly relaxed, and the prisoners have achieved substantial improvements in their conditions. During Christmas, the prisoners are granted additional privileges, including permission to stage a play. Mandela recalls playing the role of Creon, the inflexible king, in the play Antigone. The prisoners find political inspiration in the play, particularly from the character Antigone, who symbolizes their struggle by defying unjust laws.
In the same year, Colonel Piet Badenhorst becomes the new commander of Robben Island. Known for his brutality, he provokes Mandela into open anger, leading to a crackdown on all the prisoners. Humiliating treatment becomes the norm. However, when a panel of judges visits the island, Mandela provokes Badenhorst, and the judges are displeased. Badenhorst's brutality ends, and he is transferred off the island three months later, surprising Mandela with his good wishes.
In 1971 and 1972, an influx of captured MK soldiers, who are more aggressive and militant than the Rivonia prisoners, arrives on the island. Mandela sometimes struggles to manage their hostility toward the prison authorities. Occasionally, the prisoners are taken to the shore to collect seaweed for sale. Mandela finds solace in the sight of Cape Town and the mainland and enjoys collecting mollusks and making a seafood stew. The prisoners educate each other on the island, earning Robben Island the nickname "University." Mandela is also able to provide legal advice through communications between the general population and the political prisoners.
Winnie continues to be harassed by the government. In 1974, she is imprisoned for six months, and in 1975, she forges the date on their
daughter Zindzi's birth certificate to visit Mandela. During the visit, Mandela learns about the death of his former lawyer and friend Bram Fischer. In 1974, Mandela and others consider escape but suspect a trap and call it off.
In 1975, Walter Sisulu and Ahmed Kathrada suggest that Mandela write his memoirs. Mandela agrees and completes the manuscript, which later becomes "Long Walk to Freedom." They bury the original manuscript in several pieces in the courtyard to hide it, but the authorities discover one fragment. Mandela, Sisulu, and Kathrada lose their study privileges for four years. The manuscript reaches Oliver Tambo in Lusaka, but it remains unpublished.
In 1976, Minister of Prisons Jimmy Kruger offers Mandela a reduced sentence if he recognizes thelegitimacy of the Transkei bantustan and retires there, but Mandela categorically refuses. Word reaches the prisoners of the Soweto uprising and the spirit of mass resistance. The Black Consciousness Movement emerges as a new wave of Africanist militancy, filling the void left by the banned ANC, PAC, and Communist Party. Mandela and the ANC members manage to bring some of the new prisoners to their side. In 1977, the political prisoners are relieved of their work requirement and spend their days in the courtyard. Mandela takes up gardening and reads novels.
After the Soweto uprising, the Black Parents Association forms, and Winnie takes a leading role. The government forcibly moves Winnie and Zindzi to Brandfort in 1977, where she does not speak the local language. Mandela reflects on his life before imprisonment. Zeni, Mandela and Winnie's first child, marries Prince Thumbumuzi of Swaziland, granting her diplomatic privileges to visit Mandela. In 1979, she visits with her infant daughter, allowing Mandela to hold one of his
grandchildren for the first time.
In 1978, P.W. Botha is elected prime minister. The prisoners' diet improves when they start working in the kitchens. Mandela undergoes surgery for a heel injury and notices a change in how white doctors and nurses treat him. In early 1980, the ANC launches the global "Free Mandela" movement, with Mandela's release becoming a rallying cry.
In 1980, Mandela learns about Matanzima deposing Sabata Dalindyebo as chief of Thembu. Mandela meets with Thembu chiefs who privately support Sabata but fear reprisal. Matanzima had requested a meeting with Mandela, but Mandela turns it down after the ANC membership votes against it. Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Raymond Mhlaba, and Andrew Mlangeni are transferred to Pollsmoor, a maximum-security prison, in 1982.
The prisoners are transferred to the third floor of Pollsmoor Prison, where Mandela creates a large garden on the sunny terrace. Despite being on the mainland, they feel isolated from their old comrades and communication channels. They suspect that they were transferred to leave the Robben Island prisoners without leadership. Ahmed Kathrada and Patrick Maqubela join the Pollsmoor group.
The war between the apartheid regime and the ANC intensifies, and the United Democratic Front(UDF) is formed, uniting anti-apartheid organizations. International pressure increases as more nations impose economic sanctions on South Africa, and Archbishop Desmond Tutu receives the Nobel Peace Prize. President Botha offers to release political prisoners whoreject violence, but Mandela drafts a response rejecting
conditional freedom. Zindzi reads the response to a UDF crowd.
In 1985, Mandela undergoes prostate surgery and is visited by Kobie Coetsee, the minister of justice. Mandela sees it as a sign that the government realizes only negotiations will bring peace. Mandela asks Coetsee to allow Winnie to stay in Johannesburg. Back at Pollsmoor, Mandela is housed alone in a private cell. He decides to reach out to the government for negotiations, viewing his isolation as beneficial.
Mandela writes to Coetsee, but there is no reply. In 1986, a British Commonwealth delegation visits South Africa, and Mandela meets them, expressing his support for preliminary talks with the government. However, the delegation leaves in protest after the South African military attacks ANC bases. Violence escalates, and a State of Emergency is declared. Mandela arranges a meeting with Coetsee, but months pass without a response.
Mandela's guard, Gawie Marx, takes him on drives into Cape Town, allowing him to observe ordinary people. Mandela resists opportunities to escape, enjoying his new liberties but recognizing they are meant to entice him into a conditional release. In 1987, Coetsee contacts Mandela, and private meetings are arranged. Coetsee reveals the government's wish to negotiate secretly. Mandela shares his plan with fellow prisoners and informs Oliver Tambo. Mandela assures Tambo that he has not betrayed the ANC and that negotiations are intended to bring the full ANC leadership to the table.
The secret working group, consisting of government representatives and Mandela, holds its first meeting. Much discussion revolves around
the ANC's use of violence and the government's concern about the ANC's alliance with the Communist Party. Mandela explains the oppressors dictate the form of the struggle and that the ANC will not renounce its allies. He strives to dispel misconceptions about the ANC's inclusiveness.
Mandela learns that President Botha will meet him in August 1989. The country experiences turmoil, with a State of Emergency and international sanctions crippling the economy. Mandela's house in Soweto is burned. Mandela undergoes surgery and is diagnosed with tuberculosis. He is treated by white and Coloured nurses who arrange a party for him. Coetsee and the committee meet with him in the hospital and propose improved conditions upon release.
Restrictions on communications are relaxed, and Mandela can coordinate with other leaders. He sends a memorandum to President Botha,but Botha suffers a stroke before responding. Mandela discusses Winnie's formation of the Mandela United Football Club, denying her involvement in vigilante violence.
Mandela finally meets President Botha on July 5, 1989. Mandela finds Botha friendly and well mannered. They discuss South African history, and Mandela is pleased with the meeting. Botha resigns a month later, and F.W. de Klerk becomes President.
President de Klerk announces the release of political prisoners and the easing of certain apartheid measures. Mandela receives word that de Klerk wishes to meet him and consults with his allies. At their first meeting, they discuss "group rights," and Mandela believes de Klerk
listens to him in good faith. De Klerk announces that the time for negotiation has arrived, and the ban on the ANC and allied organizations is lifted. Mandela agrees to be released on February 10, 1990.
On February 11, 1990, Mandela plans to address a crowd in Cape Town after his release. He is slightly alarmed by the large crowd of reporters and well-wishers at the prison gates. They take a back road to Cape Town, and Mandela is amazed to see rural Afrikaners showing support by raising their fists in the ANC salute. In Cape Town, a jubilant crowd surrounds his car. Finally, from the balcony of City Hall, Mandela addresses the crowd, thanking them for their efforts and revealing his secret negotiations with the government. He urges all South Africans to join in rebuilding the country and refers to de Klerk as a man of integrity, although he later regrets this statement.
At a press conference, Mandela emphasizes his loyalty to the ANC and the continuation of armed struggle until negotiations. He also reiterates the ANC's policy of inclusivity, stating that white South Africans have a place in the post-apartheid system. Mandela addresses a crowd of 120,000 in Soweto and realizes he is now a national icon, leaving him with a life that will never be normal. He travels to Lusaka to meet with the ANC's National Executive Committee and dispel rumors of compromise during his final years in prison. Mandela embarks on a tour of Africa, which Winnie is unhappy about, and visits Oliver Tambo in Stockholm and attends a concert in his honor in London.
Mandela deals with the Inkatha Freedom Party(IFP) led by Chief Buthelezi, hoping to mend relations between the ANC and IFPbut without success. The situation in Natal escalates with violence between Inkatha and ANC supporters, risking an intra-African civil war.
The first negotiations between the government and the ANC are scheduled for April 1990, but a police massacre in Sebokeng Township angers Mandela, leading to the suspension of talks. Mandela visits his hometown of Qunu and his mother's grave. He persuades political prisoners on Robben Island to accept amnesty. Talks resume in May, and Mandela gains a better understanding of de Klerk's character. He suspects the National Party's strategy and travels to Europe and North America, advocating for the continuation of sanctions. He meets with President George H.W. Bush but makes no progress. He catches a chill and develops pneumonia during his trip.
In 1990, rising political violence and the arrest of ANC members for planning a communist revolution called Operation Vula cause concern. Mandela agrees to suspend armed struggle to create better conditions for negotiations. Violence continues, and Mandela suspects government complicity in aiding the IFP. Talks are suspended, and Mandela contemplates resuming armed struggle.
In December 1990, Oliver Tambo returns to South Africa after exile. Mandela announces his separation from Winnie, acknowledging irreconcilable differences but without recriminations. He reflects on the sacrifices his struggle made on his personal life.
The CODESA 2 talks begin in May 1992, but the National Party faces scandals and evidence of involvement in Inkatha attacks. Talks stall over the National Party's proposal for a Senate with a minority veto. CODESA 2 fails, but negotiations continue. Mandela laments the violence and the lack of trust between the parties. De Klerk holds a referendum on his reforms, which passes.
Mandela addresses the nation after the assassination of Chris Hani, calling for rejection of violence and hate. Oliver Tambo dies, and Mandela considers him his greatest friend.
Details for the transitional government and government of national unity are worked out. Mandela and de Klerk receive the Nobel Peace Prize. The ANC begins campaigning for the 1994 general election, facing challenges in operating as a political party. The IFP initially refuses to register, but Mandela convinces Chief Buthelezi to participate. Massacres of ANC supporters occur, attempting to postpone elections. Mandela debates de Klerk, criticizes race hatred, and offers to work together.
Mandela casts his vote in the election, which proceeds peacefully. The ANC wins the majority of the vote. Mandelabecomes South Africa's first post-apartheid president, emphasizing reconciliation and rejecting a return to violence. The new government is inaugurated, and Mandela sees his role as a facilitator of change. He acknowledges that although apartheid ended, true freedom is yet to be achieved.
The CODESA 2 talks begin in May 1992, but the National Party faces scandals and evidence of involvement in Inkatha attacks. Talks stall over the National Party's proposal for a Senate with a minority veto. CODESA 2 fails, but negotiations continue. Mandela laments the violence and the lack of trust between the parties. De Klerk holds a referendum on his reforms, which passes.
Mandela addresses the nation after the assassination of Chris Hani, calling for rejection of violence and hate. Oliver Tambo dies, and Mandela considers him his greatest friend.
Details for the transitional government and government of national unity are worked out. Mandela and de Klerk receive the Nobel Peace Prize. The ANC begins campaigning for the 1994 general election, facing challenges in operating as a political party. The IFP initially refuses to register, but Mandela convinces Chief Buthelezi to participate. Massacres of ANC supporters occur, attempting to postpone elections. Mandela debates de Klerk, criticizes race hatred, and offers to work together.
Mandela casts his vote in the election, which proceeds peacefully. The ANC wins the majority of the vote. Mandela becomes South Africa's first post-apartheid president, emphasizing reconciliation and rejecting a return to violence. The new government is inaugurated, and Mandela sees his role as a facilitator of change. He acknowledges that although apartheid ended, true freedom is yet to be achieved.